Christian Socialism, the Socialist Cross, The Cross of Socialism, Swastika
Hooked Cross, Crooked Cross & the Hakenkreuz Crusaders, Socialist Crusades, Socialist Crusaders
Worship of Socialism, Authority, and Government as God - Pledge of Allegiance to the Christian Flag?

Frightening information about the worship of government, its flags and about Pledging Allegiance
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    Christian Socialism, Socialist Cross, Cross of Socialism, Swastika, Joseph Goebbels, Hooked Cross, Hakenkreuz, Swastika, Third Reich,

Christian Socialism, Third Reich, Fascism, Cross, Hakenkreuz, Nazi Germany, The Socialist movements and the cross.
The Cross & The Hooked Cross
became a symbol of Christian Socialism
 under the National Socialist German Workers' Party.
                                                                                                       Hooked Cross image
Gammadion Knight of the Hakenkreuz hooked cross hakenkreuz swastika crooked cross
Christian Socialism & Social Gospel of Bellamys
Christian Socialism & Jesus the Socialist ?!?!
Christian Socialism & the KKK, Ku Klux Klan
Christus Rex, Rexist, Rexism, Leon Degrelle
Christian Socialism & the Swastika in Germany
Christian Socialism & the Socialist Cross
Pledge of Allegiance to the Christian Flag
The Religion of Solidarity
Republicans are the Society of Christian Socialists ?

A lot of fascinating research examines the influence of religion and theocracy on government and socialism. Many authors worry still about the potential for a future filled with religious persecution and totalitarianism. Those worries have relevance to the enormous size and scope of government in the USA and its growing police state.

Most people do not know that a cross was worshiped as the notorious symbol of the National Socialist German Workers' Party. The group called their symbol the Hakenkreuz, not the swastika. Hakenkreuz means "hooked cross." It is one of the biggest cover-ups in history.

The swastika became known as the Socialist Cross because of Christian Socialists in the USA, including Francis Bellamy and Edward Bellamy. Edward Bellamy also worked closely with the Theosophical Society. Swastikas were used to denote overlapping S-letters for "socialism" in the USA and later under the National Socialist German Workers Party and elsewhere. The double-S letters of the hooked cross also denoted the socialist dogma of self-sacrifice, even to the ultimate degree (the cross or crucifix was used as a means of execution and/or self sacrifice).  Through the hakenkreuz crusaders, the symbol also gained quasi-religious status as the cross of socialism through its use in the worship of government and socialism.

In the USA the hooked cross was a common symbol and was referred to as a cross (armed cross, twisted cross, lucky cross, crooked cross, hooked cross) before "swastika" became dominant. The eventual dominance of "swastika" occurred in part to distance the cross from German Christian Socialism, by slandering a foreign symbol.

The hooked cross became a symbol of Christian Socialism because, as a cross, it represented two separate pieces overlapping, and those pieces were S-shaped, and served as letters for "socialism" combined with the religious features of the cross.  The symbol was then used to promote persecution of people of differing religious faiths and also people of differing philosophies (the socialist swastika was an anti capitalist symbol to persecute anyone judged a "capitalist").

Although the swastika was an ancient symbol, the noted cryptographer and symbologist Dr. Rex Curry (author of "Swastika Secrets") discovered that it was also used sometimes by German National Socialists to represent "S" letters for their "socialism."  With a 45 degree turn of his Hakenkreuz, the leader of German National Socialists used the "swastika flag" to combine the cross with collectivism, merge church and state, mesh religion and socialism, and mandate the worship of government. He altered his own signature to use the same symbolism and similar alphabetic symbolism still shows on Volkswagens.

Support for Dr. Curry's work comes from other authors who believe the Holocaust under the Knight of the Hakenkreuz was an inquisition (including religious persecution) undertaken by the leader of Knights of the Hakenkreuz under his religious beliefs.

In the 1930's, religious people were persecuted for refusing to give the straight-arm salute to the national flag. That persecution occurred in the USA (to the stars and stripes) and in Germany (to the swastika flag) at the same time. Today, most people in the USA were educated in government schools (socialist schools), so they are ignorant of the fact that it was happening in both Germany and the USA. It is odd that historians of theocracy overlook that startling fact.

The early Pledge of Allegiance used a straight-arm salute and it was the origin of the salute of the National Socialist German Workers' Party, as shown in recent discoveries by the historian Dr. Rex Curry (author of "Pledge of Allegiance Secrets"). The USA used the straight arm salute to the national flag for three decades before German National Socialists started doing the same thing.

Religious children and children of various races and backgrounds were required by law to perform the straight-arm salute in government schools in robotic chanting every morning at the ring of a government bell (just as it is done today but with a different gesture). Many people considered the raised-arm salute to the national flag to be sacrilegious worship of government and socialism. Religious people had good reasons to consider the pledge / salute to be sacrilegious, in that Germans used the ritual toward their Hakenkreuz symbol, the "hooked cross."

The Protestant Reich Church was formed by under the National Socialist German Worker's Party in 1933, by merging 29 regional churches into one church. The founding of the church was the result of work by the German Christian Socialists.

During the war, Alfred Rosenberg drew up a thirty-point program for a new "National Reich Church." One point declared that the "Hakenkreuz" (hooked cross or swastika) would be the type of cross used in the Church.

The straight-arm salute was created by Francis Bellamy, a minister who lost his position because he used the pulpit to push what he called "Christian Socialism" in sermons on themes like "Jesus the Socialist."

Francis was cousin and cohort to Edward Bellamy, author of "Looking Backward" an international bestseller that was known as the Bible of National Socialism. Edward also authored "The Religion of Solidarity" and other articles and books with similar ideas.

Both Bellamys worked together to promote Christian Socialism and they wanted the government to take over all schools to spread their dogma. Both Bellamys descended from a long line of ancestors who touted similar dogma for generations.

Christian socialists were like all socialists in that they hated the U.S. Constitution and wanted to destroy it because, back in the old days, people actually thought that the U.S. Constitution was supposed to limit the size and scope of government.

"Looking Backward" was so popular that it was translated into every major language, including German, Russian, and Chinese.  It immediately inspired a supportive political movement with “Nationalism Clubs” worldwide.

In 1939 the National Socialist German Workers' Party and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics joined as allies to invade Poland in a pact to divide up Europe. Armageddon, the apocalypse, and the Great Wars against humanity were visible in the socialist Wholecaust (of which the Holocaust was a part): 65 million slaughtered under the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR); 49 million under the Peoples' Republic of China (PRC); 21 million under the National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSGWP). Their satanic leaders would not separate church and state, they combined religion with socialism, and they worshipped government. After WWII, Stalin and Mao went on to kill even more people. Socialism is hades.

It all shows how close the USA came (and is still coming) to the socialist Wholecaust. Many Americans are sad examples of how places like that come into existence, grow so large, last so long, and kill so many.  

Historians make their work relevant to current events. Such stories are relevant to the fact that the present government in the USA is anti libertarian and is out-socializing the previous administration by more than double and growing (in social spending ALONE). The demonic dogma of socialism, sacrifice, and self-sacrifice is still growing all over the world. 

The government should not run Sunday school, nor Monday school through Friday school. The First Amendment should be enlarged to state that congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of education nor an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.  The separation of school and state is as important as the separation of church and state.


It is a wonder why putting references to God on money and on the socialists's pledge is not considered blasphemous. It is a wonder why there is no movement to put "under God" on the flag itself (it is already on coins and in the socialist's pledge). It would be similar to "God is Great" written on the flag of Iraq.

The Capitalist philosopher Ayn Rand once said that she felt like the only adult in a world full of children.  She might have added that she felt like the only adult in a world full of children robotically chanting the Pledge of Allegiance.  Or she might have said "I feel like the only adult in a world full of children robotically chanting the Pledge of Allegiance with the early stiff-arm salute."

Citizen: Senator, I have sinned
Senator: What did you do my son?
Citizen: I had impure thoughts about government schools indoctrinating children for national socialism.
Senator: Do you repent your sin?
Citizen: I do Senator
Senator: Instead of your mandatory 5 Pledges of Allegiance in your government school this week, you should do 8 Pledges of Allegiance and attend a flag raising ceremony every day this week. Now go forth and sin no more.

There are many types of crosses.  The swastika was a type of cross and it was also called the Hakenkreuz or Hooked Cross. It was also known as Crux Gammata, Fylfot, Suastika, Tetraskelion, Twisted Cross, cross cramponned, ~nnée, or ~nny (in heraldry), as each arm resembles a crampon or angle-iron. (Compare Winkelmaßkreuz in German); cross gammadion, tetragammadion (Greek: τέτραγαμμάδιον) or just gammadion, as each arm resembles the Greek letter gamma ( Γ ). (Compare crux gammata in Latin, croiz gammée in Old French and croix gammée in French; cruz gamada or esvástica in Spanish); cruz gamada or cruz suástica in Portugese.

Crux Gammata, Fylfot, Suastika, Tetraskelion, Twisted Cross image
Hakenkreuz Hooked Cross
Pledge of Allegiance to the Christian Flag?

Hugo Chavez of Venezuela is a self-proclaimed Christian Socialist. He obtained an Enabling Act so that he could rule by decree.

There are still politicians in Germany that hold office as Christian Socialists or with similar label:
Gerhard Friedrich (1948-Alive) - Christian Socialist Union Member of the Bundestag, 1987-1992.
Ingo Friedrich (1942-Alive) - Christian Socialist Union Member of the European Parliament, 1979-Current (Vice President, 1999-Current).
Michael Freytag (1958-Alive) - Christian Democratic Union Senator for Town Development and the Environment of Hamburg, 2004-Current.
Erich G. Fritz (1946-Alive) - Christian Democratic Union Member of the Bundestag, 1990-Current.   
Jochen-Konrad Fromme (1949-Alive) - Christian Democratic Union Member of the Bundestag, 1998-Current.

Pope Benedict's Swastika
Pope Benedict Ratzinger swastika Hitler Youth

Broken Cross
swastika extreme unction rogier van der weyden

Swastika style designs worn by Pope Benedict (Ratzinger) on his trip to Regensburg, Germany in 2006 is interesting in light of the fact that Ratzinger was a member of the Hitler Youth.

The head of the National Socialist German Workers' Party was raised as a Roman Catholic by his parents, as was customary where he lived. His mother wanted him to become a priest. He saw the swastika symbol while he was a young student with the Benedictins at the Abbey of Lambach-am-Traum, in upper Austria. The symbol was engraved on the four corners of the monastery. It was not called a swastika. German National Socialists called the symbol that they worshippd a Hakenkreuz.  It was a type of cross.  "Hakenkreuz" translates as "hooked cross."

In some ways, the head of the NSGWP did become a priest. He became a priest of Christian Socialism and a hakenkreuz Crusader.

He used his cross, the Hakenkreuz / swastika, as overlapping S-letters for "socialism" in the National Socialist German Workers Party.

There are many types of crosses and many uses.  To this day the symbol of the Knights of Columbus prominently displays an Iron Cross underneath a fasces (including the ax) as its centerpiece.  A fasces is an ancient Roman symbol and is the origin of the term “Fascism.” It is a bundle of rods bound together about an ax with the blade projecting.

The emblem of the Order dates from May 12, 1883, when James T. Mullen, who was then supreme knight, designed it. According to the Knights of Columbus’ official website, the emblem indicates a medieval knight’s shield mounted upon what the KOC calls a Formée cross (having the arms narrow at the center and expanding toward the ends and is also known as the Cross Pattee). That definition is also the definition of the Iron Cross or ritterkreuz (rider’s cross or knight’s cross) made notorious by the National Socialist German Worker’s Party (Nazis).  Mounted on the knight’s shield are three objects: a fasces standing vertically and, crossed behind it, an anchor and a dagger or short sword. The fasces from Roman days, carried before magistrates as an emblem of authority, is symbolic of authority which must exist in any tightly-bound collective organization. The anchor is the mariner's symbol for Columbus, patron of the Order, while the short sword or dagger was the Knight’s weapon of violence. Thus, the shield expresses Knighthood and with the letters, K of C, it proclaims this specific form of activity.

The Knights of Columbus was also intended to provide an alternative for Catholics to membership in a Masonic lodge -Freemasonry, which was an organization that consisted of many anti-Catholics at the time. Membership was discouraged by church hierarchy, and banned by Pope Leo XIII in 1884. The Knights of Columbus group is sometimes called Catholic Freemasons. 

Francis Bellamy authored of the Pledge of Allegiance. It was the origin of the stiff-arm salute adopted later by the National Socialist German Workers' Party.
(see the work of the historian Dr. Rex Curry, author of "Pledge of Allegiance Secrets").

Bellamy was a Freemason and a Christian Socialist in the Nationalism movement who touted "military socialism." Bellamy used the Freemasons and other civic groups to spread his Pledge of Allegiance, and that also caused the stiff-arm salute to spread.

The "Catholic Freemasons" (the Knights of Columbus) also helped to spread the socialist's Pledge of Allegiance (and its stiff-arm salute) and, in 1954, the Knights lobbied to insert the phrase "under God" into the quasi-Gregorian children's chant.  The Knights of Columbus have been active in attempts to retain the phrase and the Pledge during recent controversies in Court and in Congress. 

Collar of Esses Livery Collar, Hans Holbein
swastika collar of esses livery Hans Holbein
Collar of Esses Livery Collar, Hans Holbein
Note the three-armed swastika-style center piece holding the rose pendant

The heathen monogram of the triune Sigma symbolism
Swastika Sigma Symbolism
The heathen monogram of the triune Sigma symbolism
Fleur-de-lis Flower of the Lily Lily Flower
Fleur de Lis Lily Flower Swastika
Fleur-de-lis Flower of the Lily Lily Flower

The S-shapes of the swastika led to other uses of S-symbolism in jewelry and elsewhere. The symbolism is shown a 1527 painting "Portrait of Thomas Morus" or "Sir Thomas More" as Lord Chancellor, by the Artist Hans Holbein the Younger (in the Frick Collection in New York).

The painting depicts a livery collar known as the Collar of Esses (or S S), due to the S-shapes. Note the three-armed swastika-style center piece holding the pendant. This famous livery collar, which has never passed out of use, takes many forms, its Esses being sometimes linked together chainwise, and sometimes, in early examples, bestowed as the ornamental bosses of a garter-shaped strap-collar.  

Dr. Curry's work has been cited and verified on Wikipedia. It might be the most referenced historical research of its type on Wikipedia. His work is sometimes used without attribution on Wikipedia in apparent efforts to boost the credibility of the borrowers.

The “Collar of Esses” is also said to be from the Order of the Garder. It is said that the coupled “S.S.” means the “Sanctus Spiritus,” or “Holy Spirit,” or the “Third Person.” The “Fleurs-de- Lis,” or “Lisses,” or the “Lilies of the Field,” invariably appear in close connection with St. John, or the “Sanctus Spiritus,” and also with the Blessed Virgin Mary, in all Christian symbola or insignia. The Prince of Wales’ triple plume appears to have the same symbolism as the “Fleur-de-Lis.”  The “Fleur-de-Lis” is stylized in the “Three Feathers,” the crest of the Prince of Wales. ”

Socialist Crusades, Socialist Crusaders, Occult socialism


The head of the NSGWP was raised as a Roman Catholic by his parents, as was customary where he lived. His mother wanted him to become a priest. He saw the swastika symbol while he was a young student with the Benedictins at the Abbey of Lambach-am-Traum, in upper Austria. The symbol was engraved on the four corners of the monastery. It was not called a swastika. German National Socialists called the symbol that they worshippd a Hakenkreuz.  It was a type of cross.  It translates as "hooked cross." In some ways, the head of the NSGWP did become a priest.

A monastery is a community of persons who give up individuality to live collectively, through self-sacrifice, and they often take vows to live in poverty, and give up private property.  The term "monastery" comes from the root "mono" as meaning living as one. In a free society, such a manner of living is voluntary and rare.  Under socialism, such a manner of living is involuntary and is imposed on everyone by government.  It results in widespread poverty.

The leader of the National Socialist German Workers Party (NSGWP) was believed to be of Christian faith by many people. He was influenced by the Christian Social movement and its founder Karl Lueger, after Luerger's rise to power in Vienna in 1897. Vienna mayor Karl Lueger was credited in 'Mein Kampf' as a role model and inspirational figure to the leader of the NSGWP. The book Culture and Political Crisis in Vienna : Christian Socialism in Power, 1897-1918 is by John W. Boyer and he traces the movement's evolution from a dissident political group of disparate ward politicians, through its maturation into the largest single party in the Austrian parliament by 1907, to its major role in Imperial politics during the First World War.

In the historic film "Triumph of the Will," the leader of the National Socialist German Workers' Party states: "The Party will be like a religious order."

In his book The Holy Reich (NSGWP Conceptions of Christianity, 1919-1945) Richard Steigmann-Gall argues persuasively that the the National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSGWP) did not reject Christianity,

In addressing the rabid socialism of the NSGWP in The Holy Reich, Steigmann-Gall writes about Joseph Goebbels and Goebbels' novel "Michael" (1923):

Joseph Goebbels, for whom the “socialism” in National Socialism was of particular importance, was a notable example in this regard.

Sacrifice is intrinsic to socialism. 
Goebbels’ reference to “Christ Socialists” (Christussozialisten) as opposed to “Christian Socialists” (Christliche Sozialisten) emphasizes the nearly evangelical nature of the struggle: An unadulterated return to Christ’s teachings, free of the temporal church, is the only way to German salvation. “The modern man is intrinsically a seeker of God, perhaps a Christman.... We modern Germans are something like Christ Socialists.”

Even in private, without the requirements of political expediency that otherwise might have compelled him to cynical posturing, Goebbels similarly wrote: “Speaking does not help. Action! Be socialists of action. There is too little of that. Be true Christians!”’ This emphasis on an active morality, a “practical” Christianity, would be a continuous theme for Goebbels well into the Third Reich.

Goebbels seriously believed his own disturbing statement — there is no evidence that he ever said anything different in private when he would have had the freedom to reveal his “genuine” feelings, if they differed from his public comments. Instead, his private statements and his public statements were consistent.

The following is about the leader of the National Socialist German Workers' Party:

[I]n a private meeting on NSGWP economics with his inner circle, held in 1930, [The NSGWP leader] elaborated his ideas on “real” socialism once again, but now with explicit reference to Christ: “It is such a far-reaching and complete conversion that the adult is no longer capable of it. Only youth can be converted, newly aligned and adjusted to the socialist sense of obligation toward the community. For almost two thousand years the Gospel of Christ has been preached, for two thousand years the sense of community has been taught. . . . But today, at the end of these two thousand years, economic liberalism flourishes as never before!” ...

For [the NSGWP leader], the answer to the current state of affairs lay in a resurrection of Christ’s ideas: “As Christ proclaimed ‘love one another’, so our call — ‘peoples’ community’, ‘public need before private greed’, ‘communally-minded social consciousness’ — rings out through the German fatherland! This call will echo throughout the world!” Without reference to a particular variety, “positive” or otherwise,
[the NSGWP leader] insists that Christianity is at the center of [National Socialist German Workers' Party] social thought. As with Buch and Goebbels, [the NSGWP leader] regards the teachings of Christ as direct inspiration for the “German” socialism advanced by the party.

Many Socialists and Christians in modern America may have difficulty understanding how their ideas were used in the National Socialist German Workers' Party. The New Testament describes the early Christian communities as if they were socialist:

All that believed were together, and had all things in common; And sold their possessions and goods, and parted them to all men, as every man had need.  (Acts 2:44-45)

It is a line that long pre-dated Marx’s notorious recipe for death: “From each according to his ability, to each according to his need.” 

It is frightening how far the USA joined in the depravity. The major Supreme Court cases about the pledge involved religious children in government schools who were being forced to robotically chant the pledge to the national flag with the straight-arm salute. Those cases began in the 1930's but did not reach decision until 1940 & 1943. At first the children were unsuccessful in the USA.  Socialists persecuted the children, expelled them from the socialist schools, arrested their parents, seized children from parents on allegations of "unfit parenting," and many children had to flee and use the many better alternatives, including home-schooling and their own church schools (but they and their schools were often persecuted by socialists there also).

At the height of National Socialism abroad, the USA's government deliberately fell farther into the same abyss with national numbering of humans imposed in 1935 with the social security system. The federal government was growing massively and attempting to nationalize the economy in many ways. The US Supreme Court struck down much of the new legislation as unconstitutional until justices were pressured by the "switch in time that socialized nine."

It is sad to note that during the same time period in the USA, religious people who were fleeing the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSGWP) were turned away from the USA, and knowingly sent to suffering and death.  That happened because of socialists who support restrictions on immigration and on every American’s right to hire, to do business, and to freely associate. It was similar to today.  Socialists in the USA still support restrictions on immigration and they reject the right of every American in living with, marrying, renting to, selling to, buying from, hiring (as housekeeper, lawn man, doctor, nanny, teacher etc) any person with whom that American wishes to associate. Little has changed.

The USA still follows similar anti libertarian policies promoted by the Bellamys. Many socialist Bellamy policies caused the USA’s big, expensive and oppressive government and its growing police-state. The Bellamys promoted the U.S. disaster of old prohibition, as well as modern prohibition.  It caused the Great Socialist Depression (from the Federal Reserve Act of 1913, the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act 1930 etc) that persisted and even lasted through U.S. involvement in WWII. Socialism's quest for omniscience was enlarged with social security numbers in 1935 to track and tax everyone, as the USA followed the path of German National Socialists at the height of their power. The federal government grew massively and nationalized the economy in many ways.

The Pledge still exists along with laws mandating that teachers lead the robotic pledge chanting every day for twelve years of each child’s life (though the salute was altered). The government still owns and operates schools. The U.S. practice of imposing segregation by law in government schools and teaching racism as official policy outlasted the National Socialist German Workers' Party by over 15 years. After segregation in government's schools ended, the Bellamy legacy caused more police-state racism of forced busing that destroyed communities and neighborhoods and deepened hostilities. Those schools still exist.  Infants are given social security numbers (socialist slave numbers) that track and tax them for life.  Government schools demand the numbers for enrollment.

The Bellamys were bigots and racists and they obsessed about immigrants coming into the USA.  They wanted to impose a heavy-handed method of brain-washing immigrants and all Americans into accepting their socialist dogma.  Because of the Bellamys, the USA has a long history of turning immigrants away from being good Americans and independent capitalists, and in turning immigrants into socialists who are dependent on government.

The Bellamys promoted a government takeover of schools, and when the government granted their wish, the government schools imposed segregation by law and taught racism as official government policy. 

It is also true that German National Socialists did not refer to themselves with the hackneyed shorthand n-word, nor the f-word, and there is no such use in Mein Kampf nor in Triumph of the Will.  Modern writers, on the other hand, cover-up the truth and never use the actual name of the horrid Party, and deceitfully use the shorthand terms, exclusively to perpetuate widespread ignorance, and that is why those terms are trite.

The Hakenkreuz (hooked cross) was an ancient religious symbol in Germany, related to the un-hooked cross and to the Prussian-German Iron cross and to other crosses.
1932 poster
Translation: "Over 300 National Socialists died for you — murdered by Marxist subhumanity!!! For work and food vote Adolf Hitler List 2."  The reference is to deaths to members of the National Socialist German Workers' Party during political battles on the streets and in political gatherings. The Christian imagery is clear.  The tie-in of the Hakenkreuz to other crosses, as well as the German Iron Cross. Socialism preaches self-sacrifice even to death and that philosophy resulted in the socialist Wholecaust (of which the Holocaust was a part): 62 million in the USSR; 35 million under the PRC; 21 million under the NSDAP.  It is frightening that the straight-arm salute was created by a self-proclaimed National Socialist in the USA who was also head of the "Society of Christian Socialists" in the USA.  From the July 1932 Reichstag election. Courtesy of Dr. Robert D. Brooks.

Hitler poster This poster shows an astonishing Christological comparison. An eagle hovers against the seeming light of heaven over an idealized Hitler, similar to the story of  a dove descending on Christ when he was baptised by John the Baptist.  It is frightening that 3 decades before Hitler, the straight-arm salute was created as part of a pledge of allegiance by a self-proclaimed National Socialist in the USA who was also head of the "Society of Christian Socialists" that called its dogma "Christian Socialism" in the USA. They advocated a government takeover of education and military socialism. The text: "Long live Germany!." Probably after 1936. (photo courtesy of Dr. Robert D. Brooks).  

1932 National Socialist election poster The religious imagery is evident.  The tie-in of the Hakenkreuz to other crosses, as well as the Prussian-German Iron Cross.  It is frightening that the straight-arm salute was created by a self-proclaimed National Socialist in the USA who was also head of the "Society of Christian Socialists" that called its dogma "Christian Socialism" in the USA.  Poster from the July 1932 Reichstag election. (photo courtesy of Dr. Robert D. Brooks).

1932 National Socialist election poster Cross of honor of the German mother. Awarded for bearing 6 or more children. 2nd type of the cross. The tie-in of the Hakenkreuz to other crosses, as well as the Prussian-German Iron Cross.   It is frightening that head National Socialists in the USA (e.g. Francis Bellamy and Edward Bellamy) were also leaders in the "Society of Christian Socialists" that called its dogma "Christian Socialism" in the USA.

National Socialist Frauenschaft Frauen Warte the cross and the swastika National Socialist Frauenschaft Badge (National Socialist Women's Organization or Nationalsozialistische Frauenschaft, or NSF), claimed to promote German Socialist ideology, along with Christian belief. There was also a magazine called the National Socialist Frauen Warte.

Lili Otto, one of the leaders of the NSF wrote in 1933: "Our Frauenschaft flag carries the same colors as the Swastika flag, with our flag black stands out, solemn and worthy. On top shine forth the Christian cross in the color of purity, constantly warning us: 'You women and mothers, be real Christians; protect Christianity in your family, rear your children to love the savior.'" (from Richard Steigmann-Gall's The Holy Reich)

See more graphic examples of the swastika myth debunked with posters from 1933-1945 at and with pre-1933 National Socialist posters at  see the swastika myth debunked with German medals at and and with flags & banners at

Also examine the Ku Klux Klan ( KKK ) and Christian Socialism

National Socialist Frauen Warte & Frauenschafte Christian Socialism. National Socialist Frauenschaft, Nazi Germany Third Reich Fascist 1932 National Socialist election poster National Socialist Frauenschaft Badge (National Socialist Women's Organization or Nationalsozialistische Frauenschaft, or NSF), claimed to promote German Socialist ideology, along with Christian belief. There was also a magazine called the National Socialist Frauen Warte. Also see

crooked cross hakenkreuz swastika

Indian swastika w Mount of Holy Cross

Indian Swastika with Mount of Holy Cross shown in postcard published in 1908 by Henrietta Ambruster of Denver. The card features a bit of doggerel referring to Colorado features and reads as follows (with referents in parenthesis).

'Tis only a bit of mountains grand (in reference to the Mount of the Holy Cross)
'Tis only a Columbine blue (in reference to the Columbine flower),
'Tis only a sign from good luck land (in reference to the Indian Swastika)
With best wishes from me to you.

Holy Reich: Nazi Conceptions of Christianity, 1919-1945, The Canadian Journal of History,  Aug 2004  by Semmens, Kristin

The Holy Reich: Nazi Conceptions of Christianity, 1919-1945, by Richard Steigmann-Gall. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2003. xvi, 294 pp. $30.00 US (cloth).

Michael Burleigh's recent The Third Reich: A New History (2000), for example, re-asserts how much the Nazis "despised" Christianity. Richard Steigmann-Gall, in contrast, thoroughly questions what has become a truism. In The Holy Reich: Nazi Conceptions of Christianity, 1919-1945, he reaches some very different conclusions about the relationship between Nazism and Christianity. Many Nazi leaders were devout, believing Christians,

The Protestant Reich Church was formed under the National Socialist German Workers' Party in 1933, by merging 29 regional churches into one church. The founding of the church was the result of work by the German Christians. It was based on Nazi ideas of creating a "positive Christianity", namely purifying Christianity of any Jewish elements including even the Old Testament, an idea which had existed in a small minority of Christian groups since the time of Marcion of Sinope, but the Protestant Reich Church did so for racial more than theological reasons. Soon after its founding, the religion portrayed Jesus as an "Aryan" and had eliminated the Old Testament in its entirety. Ludwig Müller was elected "Reich Bishop".

Although initially supported by the regime, the Nazis eventually lost interest in the experiment after it failed to supplant or absorb traditional Christianity. After 1937, relations between the Reich Church and the Nazi government began to sour.

30 Point Program

During the war, Alfred Rosenberg (a prominent member of the neo-pagan Thule Society) drew up a thirty-point program for a new "National Reich Church", which he hoped could replace Christianity entirely following victory in the war:

    * The National Reich's Church of Germany categorically claims the exclusive right and the exclusive power to control all churches within the borders of the Reich; it declares these to be national churches

    * The German people must not serve the National Reich Church. The National Reich Church is absolutely and exclusively in the service of but one doctrine: race and nation.

    * The field of activity of the National Reich Church will expand to the limits of Germany's territorial and colonial possessions.

    * The National Reich Church does not force any German to seek membership therein. The Church will do everything within its power to secure the adherence of every German soul. Other churches or similar communities and unions particularly such as are under international control or management cannot and shall not be tolerated in Germany.

    * The National Reich Church is determined to exterminate irrevocably and by every means the strange and foreign Christian faiths imported into Germany in the ill-omened year 800.

    * The existing churches may not be architecturally altered, as they represent the property of the German nation, German culture and to a certain extent the historical development of the nation. As property of the German nation, they are not only to be valued but to be preserved.

    * The National Reich Church has no scribes, pastors, chaplains or priests but National Reich orators are to speak in them.

    * National Reich Church services are held only in the evening and not in the morning. These services are to take place on Saturdays with solemn illumination.

    * In the National Reich Church German men and women, German youths and girls will acknowledge God and his eternal works.

    * The National Reich Church irrevocably strives for complete union with the state. It must obey the state as one of its servants. As such, it demands that all landed possessions of all churches and religious denominations be handed over to the state. It forbids that in future churches should secure ownership of even the smallest piece of German soil or that such be ever given back to them. Not the churches conquer and cultivate land and soil but exclusively the German nation, the German state.

    * National Reich Church orators may never be those who today emphasize with all tricks and cunning verbally and in writing the necessity of maintaining and teaching of christianity in Germany; they not only lie to themselves but also the German nation, goaded by their love of the positions they hold and the sweet bread they eat.

    * National Reich Church orators hold office, government officials under Civil Service rules.

    * The National Reich Church demands immediate cessation of the publishing and dissemination of the Bible in Germany as well as the publication of Sunday papers, pamphlets, publications and books of a religious nature.

    * The National Reich Church has to take severe measures in order to prevent the Bible and other christian publications being imported into Germany.

    * The National Reich Church declares that to it, and therefore to the German nation, it has been decided that the Fuhrer's "Mein Kampf" is the greatest of all documents. It is conscious that this book contains and embodies the purest and truest ethics for the present and future life of our nation.

    * The National Reich Church has made it its sacred duty to use all its energy to popularize the coeternal "Mein Kampf" and to let every German live and complete his life according to this book.

    * The National Reich Church demands that further editions of this book, whatever form they may take, be in content and pagination exactly similar to the present popular edition.

    * The National Reich Church will clear away from its altars all crucifixes, Bibles and pictures of Saints.

    * On the altars there must be nothing but "Mein Kampf", which is to the German nation and therefore to God the most sacred book, and to the left of the altar a sword.

    * The National Reich Church speakers must during church services propound this book to the congregation to the best of their knowledge and ability.

    * The National Reich Church does not acknowledge forgiveness of sins. It represents the standpoint which it will always proclaim that a sin once committed will be ruthlessly punished by the honorable and indestructible laws of nature and punishment will follow during the sinner's lifetime.

    * The National Reich Church repudiates the christening of German children, particularly the christening with water and the Holy Ghost.

    * The parents of a child (or if a new born child) must only take the German oath before the altar which is worded as follows: The man: "In the name of God I take this Holy oath that I the father of this child, and my wife, are of proven Aryan descent. As a father, I agree to bring up this child in the German spirit and as a member of the German race". The women: "In the name of God I take this Holy oath that I (name) bore my husband a child and that I its mother am of proven Aryan descent. As a mother, I swear to bring up this child in the German spirit and as a member of the German race". The German diploma can only be issued to newly born children on the strength of the German oath.

    * The National Reich Church abolishes confirmation and religious education as well as the communion the religious preparation for the communion. The educational institutions are and remain the family, the schools, the German youth, the Hitler youth, and the Union of German girls.

    * In order that school graduation of our German youth be given an especially solemn character, all churches must put themselves at the disposal of German youth, the Hitler youth and the Union of German girls on the day of the state's youth which will be on the Friday before Easter. On this day the leaders of these organizations exclusively may speak.

    * The marriage ceremony of German men and women will consist of taking an oath of faithfulness and placing the right hand on the sword. There will not be any unworthy kneeling in National Reich Church ceremonies.

    * The National Reich Church declares the tenth day before Whit Sunday to be the national holiday of the German family.

    * The National Reich Church rejects the customary day of prayer and atonement. It demands that this be transferred to the holiday commemorating the laying of the foundation stone of the National Reich Church.

    * The National Reich Church will not tolerate the establishment of any new clerical religious insignia.

    * On the day of its foundation, the Christian cross must be removed from all churches, cathedrals and chapels within the Reich and its colonies and it must be superseded by the only unconquerable symbol of Germany the "Hakenkreuz" (swastika).

Was Christian-socialism the Weltanschhauung of the leader of the National Socialist German Workers' Party?

The following are excerpts about Christianity, George von Schönerer and Dr. Karl Lueger from the book Mein Kampf.

"How devoid of ideals and how ignoble is the whole contemporary system! The fact that the churches join in committing this sin against the image of God, even though they continue to emphasize the dignity of that image, is quite in keeping with their present activities. They talk about the Spirit, but they allow man, as the embodiment of the Spirit, to degenerate to the proletarian level.
Then they look on with amazement when they realize how small is the influence of the Christian Faith in their own country and how depraved and ungodly is this riff-raff which is physically degenerate and therefore morally degenerate also." (p.226)

The two Christian denominations look on with indifference at the profanation and destruction of a noble and unique creature who was given to the world as a gift of God’s grace. For the future of the world, however, it does not matter which of the two triumphs over the other, the Catholic or the Protestant. But it does matter whether Aryan humanity survives or perishes. And yet the two Christian denominations are not contending against the destroyer of Aryan humanity but are trying to destroy one another. Everybody who has the right kind of feeling for his country is solemnly bound, each within his own denomination, to
see to it that he is not constantly talking about the Will of God merely from the lips but that in actual fact he fulfils the Will of God and does not allow God’s handiwork to be debased. For it was by the Will of God that men were made of a certain bodily shape, were given their natures and their faculties. Whoever destroys His work wages war against God’s Creation and God’s Will." (p.310)

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That sort of thing made my blood boil. And now I began to be more and more on my guard when
reading the great Vienna Press.

I had to acknowledge, however, that on such subjects one of the anti-Semitic papers – the Deutsche
Volksblatt – acted more decently.

What got still more on my nerves was the repugnant manner in which the big newspapers cultivated
admiration for France. One really had to feel ashamed of being a German when confronted by those
mellifluous hymns of praise for ‘the great culture-nation’. This wretched Gallomania more often than
once made me throw away one of those ‘world newspapers’. I now often turned to the Volksblatt,
which was much smaller in size but which treated such subjects more decently. I was not in accord
with its sharp anti-Semitic tone; but again and again I found that its arguments gave me grounds for
serious thought.

Anyhow, it was as a result of such reading that I came to know the man and the movement which then
determined the fate of Vienna. These were Dr. Karl Lueger and the Christian Socialist Movement. At
the time I came to Vienna I felt opposed to both. I looked on the man and the movement as

But even an elementary sense of justice enforced me to change my opinion when I had the opportunity
of knowing the man and his work, and slowly that opinion grew into outspoken admiration when I had
better grounds for forming a judgment. To-day, as well as then, I hold Dr. Karl Lueger as the most
eminent type of German Burgermeister. How many prejudices were thrown over through such a
change in my attitude towards the Christian-Socialist Movement!


A great service rendered by the pan-German movement then was that it abolished all such nonsense,
though the doctrinaire theorists and other fetish worshippers were shocked.

When the Habsburgs attempted to come to close quarters with the German element, by the
employment of all the means of attack which they had at their command, the Pan-German Party hit out
ruthlessly against the ‘illustrious’ dynasty. This Party was the first to probe into and expose the
corrupt condition of the State; and in doing so they opened the eyes of hundreds of thousands. To
have liberated the high ideal of love for one’s country from the embrace of this deplorable dynasty
was one of the great services rendered by the Pan-German movement.

When that Party first made its appearance it secured a large following – indeed, the movement
threatened to become almost an avalanche. But the first successes were not maintained. At the time I
came to Vienna the pan-German Party had been eclipsed by the Christian-Socialist Party, which had
come into power in the meantime. Indeed, the Pan-German Party had sunk to a level of almost
complete insignificance.

The rise and decline of the Pan-German movement on the one hand and the marvellous progress of
the Christian-Socialist Party on the other, became a classic object of study for me, and as such they
played an important part in the development of my own views.

When I came to Vienna all my sympathies were exclusively with the Pan-German Movement.

I was just as much impressed by the fact that they had the courage to shout Heil Hohenzollern as I
rejoiced at their determination to consider themselves an integral part of the German Empire, from
which they were separated only provisionally. They never missed an opportunity to explain their
attitude in public, which raised my enthusiasm and confidence. To avow one’s principles publicly on
every problem that concerned Germanism, and never to make any compromises, seemed to me the
only way of saving our people. What I could not understand was how this movement broke down so
soon after such a magnificent start; and it was no less incomprehensible that the Christian-Socialists
should gain such tremendous power within such a short time. They had just reached the pinnacle of
their popularity.

When I began to compare those two movements Fate placed before me the best means of
understanding the causes of this puzzling problem. The action of Fate in this case was hastened by my
own straitened circumstances.

I shall begin my analysis with an account of the two men who must be regarded as the founders and
leaders of the two movements. These were George von Schönerer and Dr. Karl Lueger.

As far as personality goes, both were far above the level and stature of the so-called parliamentary
figures. They lived lives of immaculate and irreproachable probity amidst the miasma of all-round
political corruption. Personally I first liked the Pan-German representative, Schönerer, and it was only
afterwards and gradually that I felt an equal liking for the Christian-Socialist leader.

When I compared their respective abilities Schönerer seemed to me a better and more profound
thinker on fundamental problems. He foresaw the inevitable downfall of the Austrian State more clearly
and accurately than anyone else. If this warning in regard to the Habsburg Empire had been heeded in
Germany the disastrous world war, which involved Germany against the whole of Europe, would
never have taken place.

But though Schönerer succeeded in penetrating to the essentials of a problem he was very often much
mistaken in his judgment of men.

And herein lay Dr. Lueger’s special talent. He had a rare gift of insight into human nature and he was
very careful not to take men as something better than they were in reality. He based his plans on the
practical possibilities which human life offered him, whereas Schönerer had only little discrimination in
that respect. All ideas that this Pan-German had were right in the abstract, but he did not have the
forcefulness or understanding necessary to put his ideas across to the broad masses. He was not able
to formulate them so that they could be easily grasped by the masses, whose powers of
comprehension are limited and will always remain so. Therefore all Schönerer’s knowledge was only
the wisdom of a prophet and he never could succeed in having it put into practice.

This lack of insight into human nature led him to form a wrong estimate of the forces behind certain
movements and the inherent strength of old institutions.

Schönerer indeed realized that the problems he had to deal with were in the nature of a
Weltanschhauung; but he did not understand that only the broad masses of a nation can make such
convictions prevail, which are almost of a religious nature.

Unfortunately he understood only very imperfectly how feeble is the fighting spirit of the so-called
bourgeoisie. That weakness is due to their business interests, which individuals are too much afraid of
risking and which therefore deter them from taking action. And, generally speaking, a
Weltanschhauung can have no prospect of success unless the broad masses declare themselves
ready to act as its standard-bearers and to fight on its behalf wherever and to whatever extent that may
be necessary.

This failure to understand the importance of the lower strata of the population resulted in a very
inadequate concept of the social problem.

In all this Dr. Lueger was the opposite of Schönerer. His profound knowledge of human nature
enabled him to form a correct estimate of the various social forces and it saved him from under-rating
the power of existing institutions. And it was perhaps this very quality which enabled him to utilize
those institutions as a means to serve the purposes of his policy.

He saw only too clearly that, in our epoch, the political fighting power of the upper classes is quite
insignificant and not at all capable of fighting for a great new movement until the triumph of that
movement be secured. Thus he devoted the greatest part of his political activity to the task of winning
over those sections of the population whose existence was in danger and fostering the militant spirit in
them rather than attempting to paralyse it. He was also quick to adopt all available means for winning
the support of long-established institutions, so as to be able to derive the greatest possible advantage
for his movement from those old sources of power.

Thus it was that, first of all, he chose as the social basis of his new Party that middle class which was
threatened with extinction. In this way he secured a solid following which was willing to make great
sacrifices and had good fighting stamina. His extremely wise attitude towards the Catholic Church
rapidly won over the younger clergy in such large numbers that the old Clerical Party was forced to
retire from the field of action or else, which was the wiser course, join the new Party, in the hope of
gradually winning back one position after another.

But it would be a serious injustice to the man if we were to regard this as his essential characteristic.
For he possessed the qualities of an able tactician, and had the true genius of a great reformer; but all
these were limited by his exact perception of the possibilities at hand and also of his own capabilities.

The aims which this really eminent man decided to pursue were intensely practical. He wished to
conquer Vienna, the heart of the Monarchy. It was from Vienna that the last pulses of life beat through
the diseased and worn-out body of the decrepit Empire. If the heart could be made healthier the others
parts of the body were bound to revive. That idea was correct in principle; but the time within which it
could be applied in practice was strictly limited. And that was the man’s weak point.

His achievements as Burgomaster of the City of Vienna are immortal, in the best sense of the word.
But all that could not save the Monarchy. It came too late.

His rival, Schönerer, saw this more clearly. What Dr. Lueger undertook to put into practice turned out
marvellously successful. But the results which he expected to follow these achievements did not
come. Schönerer did not attain the ends he had proposed to himself; but his fears were realized, alas,
in a terrible fashion. Thus both these men failed to attain their further objectives. Lueger could not save
Austria and Schönerer could not prevent the downfall of the German people in Austria.

To study the causes of failure in the case of these two parties is to learn a lesson that is highly
instructive for our own epoch. This is specially useful for my friends, because in many points the
circumstances of our own day are similar to those of that time. Therefore such a lesson may help us to
guard against the mistakes which brought one of those movements to an end and rendered the other
barren of results.

In my opinion, the wreck of the Pan-German Movement in Austria must be attributed to three causes.

The first of these consisted in the fact that the leaders did not have a clear concept of the importance
of the social problem, particularly for a new movement which had an essentially revolutionary
character. Schönerer and his followers directed their attention principally to the bourgeois classes. For
that reason their movement was bound to turn out mediocre and tame. The German bourgeoisie,
especially in its upper circles, is pacifist even to the point of complete self-abnegation – though the
individual may not be aware of this – wherever the internal affairs of the nation or State are concerned.
In good times, which in this case means times of good government, such a psychological attitude
makes this social layer extraordinarily valuable to the State. But when there is a bad government, such
a quality has a destructive effect. In order to assure the possibility of carrying through a really
strenuous struggle, the Pan-German Movement should have devoted its efforts to winning over the
masses. The failure to do this left the movement from the very beginning without the elementary
impulse which such a wave needs if it is not to ebb within a short while.


The anti-German aims pursued by the Habsburgs, especially through the instrumentality of the higher
clergy, did not meet with any vigorous resistance, while the clerical representatives of the German
interests withdrew completely to the rear. The general impression created could not be other than that
the Catholic clergy as such were grossly neglecting the rights of the German population.

Therefore it looked as if the Catholic Church was not in sympathy with the German people but that it
unjustly supported their adversaries. The root of the whole evil, especially according to Schönerer’s
opinion, lay in the fact that the leadership of the Catholic Church was not in Germany, and that this
fact alone was sufficient reason for the hostile attitude of the Church towards the demands of our

The so-called cultural problem receded almost completely into the background, as was generally the
case everywhere throughout Austria at that time. In assuming a hostile attitude towards the Catholic
Church, the Pan-German leaders were influenced not so much by the Church’s position in questions
of science but principally by the fact that the Church did not defend German rights, as it should have
done, but always supported those who encroached on these rights, especially then Slavs.

George Schönerer was not a man who did things by halves. He went into battle against the Church
because he was convinced that this was the only way in which the German people could be saved.
The Los-von-Rom (Away from Rome) Movement seemed the most formidable, but at the same time
most difficult, method of attacking and destroying the adversary’s citadel. Schönerer believed that if
this movement could be carried through successfully the unfortunate division between the two great
religious denominations in Germany would be wiped out and that the inner forces of the German
Empire and Nation would be enormously enhanced by such a victory.

But the premises as well as the conclusions in this case were both erroneous.

It was undoubtedly true that the national powers of resistance, in everything concerning Germanism as
such, were much weaker among the German Catholic clergy than among their non-German confrères,
especially the Czechs. And only an ignorant person could be unaware of the fact that it scarcely ever
entered the mind of the German clergy to take the offensive on behalf of German interests.

But at the same time everybody who is not blind to facts must admit that all this should be attributed
to a characteristic under which we Germans have all been doomed to suffer. This characteristic shows
itself in our objective way of regarding our own nationality, as if it were something that lay outside of

While the Czech priest adopted a subjective attitude towards his own people and only an objective
attitude towards the Church, the German parish priest showed a subjective devotion to his Church and
remained objective in regard to his nation. It is a phenomenon which, unfortunately for us, can be
observed occurring in exactly the same way in thousands of other cases.

It is by no means a peculiar inheritance from Catholicism; but it is something in us which does not take
long to gnaw the vitals of almost every institution, especially institutions of State and those which have
ideal aims. Take, for example, the attitude of our State officials in regard to the efforts made for
bringing about a national resurgence and compare that attitude with the stand which the public officials
of any other nation would have taken in such a case. Or is it to be believed that the military officers of
any other country in the world would refuse to come forward on behalf of the national aspirations, but
would rather hide behind the phrase ‘Authority of the State’, as has been the case in our country
during the last five years and has even been deemed a meritorious attitude? Or let us take another
example. In regard to the Jewish problem, do not the two Christian denominations take up a
standpoint to-day which does not respond to the national exigencies or even the interests of religion?
Consider the attitude of a Jewish Rabbi towards any question, even one of quite insignificant
importance, concerning the Jews as a race, and compare his attitude with that of the majority of our
clergy, whether Catholic or Protestant.


The manner in which the great rival of the Pan-German Party set out to attain its goal was quite
different. The way it took was well and shrewdly chosen; but it did not have a clear vision of the goal.
In almost all the questions where the Pan-German Movement failed, the policy of the
Christian-Socialist Party was correct and systematic.

They assessed the importance of the masses correctly, and thus they gained the support of large
numbers of the popular masses by emphasizing the social character of the Movement from the very
start. By directing their appeal especially to the lower middle class and the artisans, they gained
adherents who were faithful, persevering and self-sacrificing. The Christian-Socialist leaders took care
to avoid all controversy with the institutions of religion and thus they secured the support of that
mighty organization, the Catholic Church. Those leaders recognized the value of propaganda on a
large scale and they were veritable virtuosos in working up the spiritual instincts of the broad masses
of their adherents.

The failure of this Party to carry into effect the dream of saving Austria from dissolution must be
attributed to two main defects in the means they employed and also the lack of a clear perception of
the ends they wished to reach.

The anti-Semitism of the Christian-Socialists was based on religious instead of racial principles. The
reason for this mistake gave rise to the second error also.

The founders of the Christian-Socialist Party were of the opinion that they could not base their
position on the racial principle if they wished to save Austria, because they felt that a general
disintegration of the State might quickly result from the adoption of such a policy. In the opinion of
the Party chiefs the situation in Vienna demanded that all factors which tended to estrange the
nationalities from one another should be carefully avoided and that all factors making for unity should
be encouraged.

At that time Vienna was so honeycombed with foreign elements, especially the Czechs, that the
greatest amount of tolerance was necessary if these elements were to be enlisted in the ranks of any
party that was not anti-German on principle. If Austria was to be saved those elements were
indispensable. And so attempts were made to win the support of the small traders, a great number of
whom were Czechs, by combating the liberalism of the Manchester School; and they believed that by
adopting this attitude they had found a slogan against Jewry which, because of its religious
implications, would unite all the different nationalities which made up the population of the old Austria.

It was obvious, however, that this kind of anti-Semitism did not upset the Jews very much, simply
because it had a purely religious foundation. If the worst came to the worst a few drops of baptismal
water would settle the matter, hereupon the Jew could still carry on his business safely and at the same
time retain his Jewish nationality.

On such superficial grounds it was impossible to deal with the whole problem in an earnest and
rational way. The consequence was that many people could not understand this kind of anti-Semitism
and therefore refused to take part in it.

The attractive force of the idea was thus restricted exclusively to narrow-minded circles, because the
leaders failed to go beyond the mere emotional appeal and did not ground their position on a truly
rational basis. The intellectuals were opposed to such a policy on principle. It looked more and more
as if the whole movement was a new attempt to proselytize the Jews, or, on the other hand, as if it
were merely organized from the wish to compete with other contemporary movements. Thus the
struggle lost all traces of having been organized for a spiritual and sublime mission. Indeed, it seemed
to some people – and these were by no means worthless elements – to be immoral and reprehensible.
The movement failed to awaken a belief that here there was a problem of vital importance for the
whole of humanity and on the solution of which the destiny of the whole Gentile world depended.

Through this shilly-shally way of dealing with the problem the anti-Semitism of the Christian-Socialists
turned out to be quite ineffective.

It was anti-Semitic only in outward appearance. And this was worse than if it had made no pretences
at all to anti-Semitism; for the pretence gave rise to a false sense of security among people who
believed that the enemy had been taken by the ears; but, as a matter of fact, the people themselves
were being led by the nose.

The Jew readily adjusted himself to this form of anti-Semitism and found its continuance more
profitable to him than its abolition would be.

This whole movement led to great sacrifices being made for the sake of that State which was
composed of many heterogeneous nationalities; but much greater sacrifices had to be made by the
trustees of the German element.

One did not dare to be ‘nationalist’, even in Vienna, lest the ground should fall away from under one’s
feet. It was hoped that the Habsburg State might be saved by a silent evasion of the nationalist
question; but this policy led that State to ruin. The same policy also led to the collapse of Christian
Socialism, for thus the Movement was deprived of the only source of energy from which a political
party can draw the necessary driving force.

During those years I carefully followed the two movements and observed how they developed, one
because my heart was with it and the other because of my admiration for that remarkable man who
then appeared to me as a bitter symbol of the whole German population in Austria.

When the imposing funeral cortège of the dead Burgomaster wound its way from the City Hall
towards the Ring Strasse I stood among the hundreds of thousands who watched the solemn
procession pass by. As I stood there I felt deeply moved, and my instinct clearly told me that the
work of this man was all in vain, because a sinister Fate was inexorably leading this State to its
downfall. If Dr. Karl Lueger had lived in Germany he would have been ranked among the great leaders
of our people. It was a misfortune for his work and for himseif that he had to live in this impossible

When he died the fire had already been enkindled in the Balkans and was spreading month by month.
Fate had been merciful in sparing him the sight of what, even to the last, he had hoped to prevent.

I endeavoured to analyse the cause which rendered one of those movements futile and wrecked the
progress of the other. The result of this investigation was the profound conviction that, apart from the
inherent impossibility of consolidating the position of the State in the old Austria, the two parties made
the following fatal mistake:

The Pan-German Party was perfectly right in its fundamental ideas regarding the aim of the Movement,
which was to bring about a German restoration, but it was unfortunate in its choice of means. It was
nationalist, but unfortunately it paid too little heed to the social problem, and thus it failed to gain the
support of the masses. Its anti-Jewish policy, however, was grounded on a correct perception of the
significance of the racial problem and not on religious principles. But it was mistaken in its assessment
of facts and adopted the wrong tactics when it made war against one of the religious denominations.

The Christian-Socialist Movement had only a vague concept of a German revival as part of its object,
but it was intelligent and fortunate in the choice of means to carry out its policy as a Party. The
Christian-Socialists grasped the significance of the social question; but they adopted the wrong
principles in their struggle against Jewry, and they utterly failed to appreciate the value of the national
idea as a source of political energy.

If the Christian-Socialist Party, together with its shrewd judgment in regard to the worth of the popular
masses, had only judged rightly also on the importance of the racial problem – which was properly
grasped by the Pan-German Movement – and if this party had been really nationalist; or if the
Pan-German leaders, on the other hand, in addition to their correct judgment of the Jewish problem
and of the national idea, had adopted the practical wisdom of the Christian-Socialist Party, and
particularly their attitude towards Socialism – then a movement would have developed which, in my
opinion, might at that time have successfully altered the course of German destiny.

If things did not turn out thus, the fault lay for the most part in the inherent nature of the Austrian



In watching the course of political events I was always struck by the active part which propaganda
played in them. I saw that it was an instrument, which the Marxist Socialists knew how to handle in a
masterly way and how to put it to practical uses. Thus I soon came to realize that the right use of
propaganda was an art in itself and that this art was practically unknown to our bourgeois parties. The
Christian-Socialist Party alone, especially in Lueger’s time, showed a certain efficiency in the
employment of this instrument and owed much of their success to it.


All these symptoms which preceded the final collapse of the Second Empire must be attributed to the
lack of a definite and uniformly accepted Weltanschhauung and the general uncertainty of outlook
consequent on that lack. This uncertainty showed itself when the great questions of the time had to be
considered one after another and a decisive policy adopted towards them. This lack is also
accountable for the habit of doing everything by halves, beginning with the educational system, the
shilly-shally, the reluctance to undertake responsibilites and, finally, the cowardly tolerance of evils that
were even admitted to be destructive. Visionary humanitarianisms became the fashion. In weakly
submitting to these aberrations and sparing the feelings of the individual, the future of millions of
human beings was sacrificed.

An examination of the religious situation before the War shows that the general process of disruption
had extended to this sphere also. A great part of the nation itself had for a long time already ceased to
have any convictions of a uniform and practical character in their ideological outlook on life. In this
matter the point of primary importance was by no means the number of people who renounced their
church membership but rather the widespread indifference. While the two Christian denominations
maintained missions in Asia and Africa, for the purpose of securing new adherents to the Faith, these
same denominations were losing millions and millions of their adherents at home in Europe. These
former adherents either gave up religion wholly as a directive force in their lives or they adopted their
own interpretation of it. The consequences of this were specially felt in the moral life of the country. In
parenthesis it may be remarked that the progress made by the missions in spreading the Christian Faith
abroad was only quite modest in comparison with the spread of Mohammedanism.

It must be noted too that the attack on the dogmatic principles underlying ecclesiastical teaching
increased steadily in violence. And yet this human world of ours would be inconceivable without the
practical existence of a religious belief. The great masses of a nation are not composed of
philosophers. For the masses of the people, especially faith is absolutely the only basis of a moral
outlook on life. The various substitutes that have been offered have not shown any results that might
warrant us in thinking that they might usefully replace the existing denominations. But if religious
teaching and religious faith were once accepted by the broad masses as active forces in their lives,
then the absolute authority of the doctrines of faith would be the foundation of all practical effort.
There may be a few hundreds of thousands of superior men who can live wisely and intelligently
without depending on the general standards that prevail in everyday life, but the millions of others
cannot do so. Now the place which general custom fills in everyday life corresponds to that of general
laws in the State and dogma in religion. The purely spiritual idea is of itself a changeable thing that may
be subjected to endless interpretations. It is only through dogma that it is given a precise and concrete
form without which it could not become a living faith. Otherwise the spiritual idea would never
become anything more than a mere metaphysical concept, or rather a philosophical opinion.
Accordingly the attack against dogma is comparable to an attack against the general laws on which the
State is founded. And so this attack would finally lead to complete political anarchy if it were
successful, just as the attack on religion would lead to a worthless religious nihilism.

The political leader should not estimate the worth of a religion by taking some of its shortcomings into
account, but he should ask himself whether there be any practical substitute in a view which is
demonstrably better. Until such a substitute be available only fools and criminals would think of
abolishing the existing religion.

Undoubtedly no small amount of blame for the present unsatisfactory religious situation must be
attributed to those who have encumbered the ideal of religion with purely material accessories and
have thus given rise to an utterly futile conflict between religion and science. In this conflict victory will
nearly always be on the side of science, even though after a bitter struggle, while religion will suffer
heavily in the eyes of those who cannot penetrate beneath the mere superficial aspects of science.

But the greatest damage of all has come from the practice of debasing religion as a means that can be
exploited to serve political interests, or rather commercial interests. The impudent and loud-mouthed
liars who do this make their profession of faith before the whole world in stentorian tones so that all
poor mortals may hear – not that they are ready to die for it if necessary but rather that they may live
all the better. They are ready to sell their faith for any political quid pro quo. For ten parliamentary
mandates they would ally themselves with the Marxists, who are the mortal foes of all religion. And for
a seat in the Cabinet they would go the length of wedlock with the devil, if the latter had not still
retained some traces of decency.

If religious life in pre-war Germany had a disagreeable savour for the mouths of many people this was
because Christianity had been lowered to base uses by political parties that called themselves Christian
and because of the shameful way in which they tried to identify the Catholic Faith with a political

This substitution was fatal. It procured some worthless parliamentary mandates for the party in
question, but the Church suffered damage thereby.


His life is of this world only and his mentality is as foreign to the
true spirit of Christianity as his character was foreign to the great Founder of this new creed two
thousand years ago. And the Founder of Christianity made no secret indeed of His estimation of the
Jewish people. When He found it necessary He drove those enemies of the human race out of the
Temple of God; because then, as always, they used religion as a means of advancing their commercial
interests. But at that time Christ was nailed to the Cross for his attitude towards the Jews; whereas our
modern Christians enter into party politics and when elections are being held they debase themselves
to beg for Jewish votes. They even enter into political intrigues with the atheistic Jewish parties against
the interests of their own Christian nation.

Even as late as the time of Frederick the Great nobody looked upon the Jews as other than
a ‘foreign’ people, and Goethe rose up in revolt against the failure legally to prohibit marriage between
Christians and Jews.


Even more watchfully than ever before, he now stood guard over his Jewish nationality. Though
bubbling over with ‘enlightenment’, ‘progress’, ‘liberty’, ‘humanity’, etc., his first care was to
preserve the racial integrity of his own people. He occasionally bestowed one of his female members
on an influential Christian; but the racial stock of his male descendants was always preserved unmixed
fundamentally. He poisons the blood of others but preserves his own blood unadulterated. The Jew
scarcely ever marries a Christian girl, but the Christian takes a Jewess to wife.


The greatness of every powerful organization which embodies a creative idea lies in the spirit of
religious devotion and intolerance with which it stands out against all others, because it has an ardent
faith in its own right. If an idea is right in itself and, furnished with the fighting weapons I have
mentioned, wages war on this earth, then it is invincible and persecution will only add to its internal

The greatness of Christianity did not arise from attempts to make compromises with those
philosophical opinions of the ancient world which had some resemblance to its own doctrine, but in
the unrelenting and fanatical proclamation and defence of its own teaching.


This capacity is always there, though it will lie dormant unless external circumstances awaken it to
action. Nations, or rather races, which are endowed with the faculty of cultural creativeness possess
this faculty in a latent form during periods when the external circumstances are unfavourable for the
time being and therefore do not allow the faculty to express itself effectively. It is therefore
outrageously unjust to speak of the pre-Christian Germans as barbarians who had no civilization. They
never have been such. But the severity of the climate that prevailed in the northern regions which they
inhabited imposed conditions of life which hampered a free development of their creative faculties.

How devoid of ideals and how ignoble is the whole contemporary system! The fact that the churches
join in committing this sin against the image of God, even though they continue to emphasize the
dignity of that image, is quite in keeping with their present activities. They talk about the Spirit, but
they allow man, as the embodiment of the Spirit, to degenerate to the proletarian level. Then they look
on with amazement when they realize how small is the influence of the Christian Faith in their own
country and how depraved and ungodly is this riff-raff which is physically degenerate and therefore
morally degenerate also. To balance this state of affairs they try to convert the Hottentots and the
Zulus and the Kaffirs and to bestow on them the blessings of the Church. While our European people,
God be praised and thanked, are left to become the victims of moral depravity, the pious missionary
goes out to Central Africa and establishes missionary stations for negroes. Finally, sound and healthy
– though primitive and backward – people will be transformed, under the name of our ‘higher
civilization’, into a motley of lazy and brutalized mongrels.

It would better accord with noble human aspirations if our two Christian denominations would cease
to bother the negroes with their preaching, which the negroes do not want and do not understand. It
would be better if they left this work alone, and if, in its stead, they tried to teach people in Europe,
kindly and seriously, that it is much more pleasing to God if a couple that is not of healthy stock were
to show loving kindness to some poor orphan and become a father and mother to him, rather than
give life to a sickly child that will be a cause of suffering and unhappiness to all.


And the same holds true of religions.

Christianity was not content with erecting an altar of its own. It had first to destroy the pagan altars. It
was only in virtue of this passionate intolerance that an apodictic faith could grow up. And intolerance
is an indispensable condition for the growth of such a faith.

It may be objected here that in these phenomena which we find throughout the history of the world we
have to recognize mostly a specifically Jewish mode of thought and that such fanaticism and
intolerance are typical symptoms of Jewish mentality. That may be a thousandfold true; and it is a fact
deeply to be regretted. The appearance of intolerance and fanaticism in the history of mankind may be
deeply regrettable, and it may be looked upon as foreign to human nature, but the fact does not
change conditions as they exist to-day. The men who wish to liberate our German nation from the
conditions in which it now exists cannot cudgel their brains with thinking how excellent it would be if
this or that had never arisen. They must strive to find ways and means of abolishing what actually
exists. A philosophy of life which is inspired by an infernal spirit of intolerance can only be set aside
by a doctrine that is advanced in an equally ardent spirit and fought for with as determined a will and
which is itself a new idea, pure and absolutely true.

Each one of us to-day may regret the fact that the advent of Christianity was the first occasion on
which spiritual terror was introduced into the much freer ancient world, but the fact cannot be denied
that ever since then the world is pervaded and dominated by this kind of coercion and that violence is
broken only by violence and terror by terror. Only then can a new regime be created by means of
constructive work. Political parties are prone to enter compromises; but a Weltanschhauung never
does this. A political party is inclined to adjust its teachings with a view to meeting those of its
opponents, but a Weltanschhauung proclaims its own infallibility.

Only in one part of the German-speaking territory – in German-Austria – was there anything like a
bourgeois party flag in evidence. Here a section of the national bourgeoisie selected the 1848 colours
(black, red and gold) as their party flag and therewith created a symbol which, though of no
importance from a weltanschauliche viewpoint, had, nevertheless, a revolutionary character from a
national point of view. The most bitter opponents of this flag at that time, and this should not be
forgotten to-day, were the Social Democrats and the Christian Socialists or clericals. They, in
particular, were the ones who degraded and besmirched these colours in the same way as in 1918 they
dragged black, white and red into the gutter. Of course, the black, red and gold of the German parties
in the old Austria were the colours of the year 1848: that is to say, of a period likely to be regarded as
somewhat visionary, but it was a period that had honest German souls as its representatives, although
the Jews were lurking unseen as wire-pullers in the background. It was high treason and the shameful
enslavement of the German territory that first of all made these colours so attractive to the Marxists of
the Centre Party; so much so that to-day they revere them as their most cherished possession and use
them as their own banners for the protection of the flag they once foully besmirched.


The two Christian denominations look on with indifference at the profanation and destruction of a
noble and unique creature who was given to the world as a gift of God’s grace. For the future of the
world, however, it does not matter which of the two triumphs over the other, the Catholic or the
Protestant. But it does matter whether Aryan humanity survives or perishes. And yet the two Christian
denominations are not contending against the destroyer of Aryan humanity but are trying to destroy
one another. Everybody who has the right kind of feeling for his country is solemnly bound, each
within his own denomination, to see to it that he is not constantly talking about the Will of God merely
from the lips but that in actual fact he fulfils the Will of God and does not allow God’s handiwork to
be debased. For it was by the Will of God that men were made of a certain bodily shape, were given
their natures and their faculties. Whoever destroys His work wages war against God’s Creation and
God’s Will. Therefore everyone should endeavour, each in his own denomination of course, and
should consider it as his first and most solemn duty to hinder any and everyone whose conduct tends,
either by word or deed, to go outside his own religious body and pick a quarrel with those of another
denomination. For, in view of the religious schism that exists in Germany, to attack the essential
characteristics of one denomination must necessarily lead to a war of extermination between the two
Christian denominations. Here there can be no comparison between our position and that of France,
or Spain or Italy. In those three countries one may, for instance, make propaganda for the side that is
fighting against ultramontanism without thereby incurring the danger of a national rift among the
French, or Spanish or Italian people. In Germany, however, that cannot be so, for here the Protestants
would also take part in such propaganda. And thus the defence which elsewhere only Catholics
organize against clerical aggression in political matters would assume with us the character of a
Protestant attack against Catholicism. What may be tolerated by the faithful in one denomination even
when it seems unjust to them, will at once be indignantly rejected and opposed on a priori grounds if it
should come from the militant leaders of another denomination.  This is so true that even men who
would be ready and willing to fight for the removal of manifest grievances within their own religious
denomination will drop their own fight and turn their activities against the outsider the moment the
abolition of such grievances is counselled or demanded by one who is not of the same faith. They
consider it unjustified and inadmissible and incorrect for outsiders to meddle in matters which do not
affect them at all. Such attempts are not excused even when they are inspired by a feeling for the
supreme interests of the national community; because even in our day religious feelings still have
deeper roots than all feeling for political and national expediency. That cannot be changed by setting
one denomination against another in bitter conflict. It can be changed only if, through a spirit of mutual
tolerance, the nation can be assured of a future the greatness of which will gradually operate as a
conciliating factor in the sphere of religion also. I have no hesitation in saying that in those men who
seek to-day to embroil the patriotic movement in religious quarrels I see worse enemies of my country
than the international communists are. For the National Socialist Movement has set itself to the task of
converting those communists.

Gammadion, gammata, Swastika Socialist Cross
Gammadion, gammata, Socialist Cross, Cross of Socialism, Swastika,1932 National Socialist election poster
Socialist Cross Swastika Gammadion, gammata
Pledge Of Allegiance The Pledge of Allegiance & socialism, segregation and racism